Gender and the âintegrationist turnâ : Comparative perspectives on marriage migration in the UK and Sweden
Year: 2014
Type of text: Vetenskaplig artikel
Published by: Amsterdam University Press
Language: English
Author: Suruchi Thapar-Björkert & Karin Borevi
Pages: 17
Available at: https://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/
Short description of text
This journal article explores how the UKâs and Swedenâs policies on marriage migration through comparing the two nations approaches. A civic-integrationist perspective and gendered lens, particularly highlighting Okinâs critique of the multicultural project and its consequences on minority women, whilst also highlighting the critics of this positioning, pointing out the essentialising nature of Okinâs arguments. These perspectives are employed to illuminate the various arguments that underpin the policies that have been implemented regarding marriage migration.
Most important results
âWe draw on the interlinkages between three sets of arguments: first, a concern with womenâs individual rights, second, issues of national identity and third, a growing concern with economic needs of the nation. We demonstrate how these three arguments can be invoked to suggest policy barriers for marriage immigration in three ways: 1) civic conditioning (e.g. language and civic requirements); 2) age criteria for transnational marriages and 3) income requirements. This positions marriage as the new âgatekeeperâ of Fortress Europeâ (p.161)
âThe right wing populist party, the Sweden Democrats, in Parliament since 2010, goes against the grain by campaigning for the introduction of all of the above mentioned three types of requirements to restrict marriage immigration. The party wants to introduce a â24 years ruleâ for transnational marriages, similar to what applies in Denmark since 2002 (cf. Schmidt, 2011). It advocates a ânational attachment requirementâ, so that a spouse is allowed admission only if the couple â taken together â has greater âattachmentâ to Sweden than to any other country, and also an obligation for both spouses to sign a declaration where they pledge themselves to take part in social life in Sweden and to comply with Swedish laws and regulations. The party also wants to introduce an income requirement, so that the sponsor must be self-supportive since at least one year; be able to take full economic responsibility for the joining spouse the first five years after arrival plus pay a one-time fee to cover state expenditures related to Swedish language instruction and other integration measures which the spouse will be offered once in the country (Parliamentary Committee on Social Insurance 2011/12:12). All of our the three lines of arguments are also identified in the Sweden Democratsâ justifications of these restrictions; to protect national identity and Swedishness; to limit the stateâs expenditures related to immigration and to reduce menâs violence against women.â (p.158-159)
âFor instance, in 2012, a government inquiry on forced marriages and child marriages explicitly rejected the idea of introducing a special age limit for marriage, when one of the spouses was from abroad.â (p.159)
âIn compliance with the dominant Swedish approach of equal treatment, the inquiry maintained that this should not be pursued âsince it would mean a strong limitation of an adult personsâ right to marry and live together and a negative special treatment of transnational marriagesâ (SOU, 2012:35, p. 400). Instead the inquiry proposed that practices of forced marriages and child marriages should be counteracted via making it a criminal offence through a special penalty stipulation.â (p.159)
âIn 2004 a law change was introduced, defining all marriages (also those contracted abroad) as invalid if one (or both) of the spouses was younger than 18 years and if one of them was a Swedish resident or citizen (SFS, 1987:230). In the preparatory works, it was further clearly expressed that the wish to comply with specific cultural traditions or religious customs was not a legitimate cause for the authorities to approve the right to exemption and allow marriage at a lower age than 18 (Government Bill, 2003/04:48, p. 45)â (p.159)
âThe policy debates around the issue of honour violence and forced marriages, can be characterised as a âretreat from multiculturalismâ, driven by concerns that previous âmulticulturalâ ambitions to allow minorities the possibilities to maintain their cultural traditions implies a risk of resulting in the violation of individual minority members rights, notably womenâs. It also provoked a heated academic debate (cf. Ekström, 2009), where some argued that the celebration in Swedish politics of a âmulticultural idealâ implied that society turned a blind eye to abuses of women and children (e.g. Wikan, 2004; Schlytter, 2004; Kurkiala, 2003; Hirdmann, 2004), while others instead held that the attention given to political concerns and introduction of policy measures to combat honour violence and forced marriages were grounded in false, simplistic â or even racist â understandings of immigrant communitiesâ cultures as essentially gender-unequal and different from the Swedish majority, which cemented ideas of âusâ and âthemâ (e.g. EldĂ©n, 2003; Kamali, 2004; De los Reyes & Molina, 2002â (p.159-160)
âAs compared to regulations in other countries, the Swedish income requirement is very liberal â both in terms of what income is demanded and in relation to exemption rights. The requirement was justified as a way to âcreate an incentive and a motivating forceâ for new arrivals to quickly integrate into the labour and housing market (Government bill 2009/10:77)â (p.160)
âthe income requirement was said to promote gender equality in creating similar incentives for men and women to get a job and become self-supportive, and also in creating incentives for more gender-equal sharing of the duties within the household (SOU 2008:114; Government Bill 2009/10:7â (p.160-161)
âSweden applies a two-years period before a joining spouse is eligible to apply for a permanent residence permit. If the relationship is discontinued during this period, the person loses his/her residence right. The rule was introduced in 1979, and justified as a way to prevent sham marriages and abuse of the right to family reunification. Over the years, it has been criticised, due to the vulnerable conditions of dependency it creates for the joining spouse (e.g. SOU 2012:45) but the political majority has repeatedly argued that it fulfils a âdouble aimâ: 1) it prevents âsham marriagesâ and abusive use of the right to family reunification, and 2) it allows the authorities not to make the more profound (and lengthy) examinations of how genuine and âseriousâ a relationship actually is, when deciding on family reunification applications, than would be the case without it.â (p.161)
Theoretical perspective/framework
Civic-integrationism, gender
Method
Policy analysis
Suggestions for further research
How and if the changes in the asylum laws have impacted family migration.